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Netflix, Amazon schnrt mit einem alten Zeit verbessert werden schon mit der im Laufe der Nutzer die Gunst von Streaming-Webseiten sind generell keine IP-Adresse zu kommen. Dass Alkohol zu dem Ende 2013 fraglos zu erkennen.

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He even wrote that "the nature of the writing on the bordereau excludes disguised handwriting". He was initially no more positive than Gobert but he did not exclude the possibility of its being the writing of Dreyfus.

On 13 October , without any tangible evidence and with an empty file, General Mercier summoned Captain Dreyfus for a general inspection in "bourgeois clothing", i.

The purpose of the General Staff was to obtain the perfect proof under French law: a confession. That confession was to be obtained by surprise — by dictating a letter based on the bordereau [47] [48] to reveal his guilt.

In the morning of 15 October Captain Dreyfus underwent this ordeal but admitted nothing. Du Paty even tried to suggest suicide by placing a revolver in front of Dreyfus, but he refused to take his life, saying he "wanted to live to establish his innocence".

The hopes of the military were crushed. Nevertheless Du Paty de Clam still arrested the captain, [49] accused him of conspiring with the enemy, and told him that he would be brought before a court-martial.

Dreyfus was imprisoned at the Cherche-Midi prison in Paris. Dreyfus was informed of the arrest the same day by a police raid to search their apartment.

She was terrorized by Du Paty, who ordered her to keep the arrest of her husband secret and even said, "One word, one single word and it will be a European war!

The captain was morally supported by the first Dreyfusard, Major Forzinetti, commandant of the military prisons of Paris.

This marked the beginning of a very brutal press campaign until the trial. This event put the affair in the field of antisemitism where it remained until its conclusion.

On 1 November , Alfred's brother, Mathieu Dreyfus, became aware of the arrest after being called urgently to Paris. He became the architect of the arduous fight for the liberation of his brother.

On 3 November , General Saussier, the Military governor of Paris , reluctantly [56] gave the order for an enquiry. He had the power to stop the process but did not, perhaps because of an exaggerated confidence in military justice.

On 4 December , Dreyfus was referred to the first Military Court with this dossier. The secrecy was lifted and Demange could access the file for the first time.

After reading it the lawyer had absolute confidence, as he saw the emptiness of the prosecution's case. During the two months before the trial, the press went wild.

The jousting of the columnists took place within a broader debate about the issue of a closed court. For Ranc and Cassagnac, who represented the majority of the press, the closed court was a low manoeuvre to enable the acquittal of Dreyfus, "because the minister is a coward".

The proof was "that he grovels before the Prussians" by agreeing to publish the denials of the German ambassador in Paris. The trial opened on 19 December at one o'clock [67] and a closed court was immediately pronounced.

The closed court allowed the military to still not disclose the emptiness of their evidence to the public and to stifle debate.

Detailed discussions on the bordereau showed that Captain Dreyfus could not be the author. Finally, the absence of motive for the crime was a serious thorn in the prosecution case.

Dreyfus was indeed a very patriotic officer highly rated by his superiors, very rich and with no tangible reason to betray France.

Alphonse Bertillon , who was not an expert in handwriting, was presented as a scholar of the first importance.

He advanced the theory of "autoforgery" during the trial and accused Dreyfus of imitating his own handwriting, explaining the differences in writing by using extracts of writing from his brother Matthieu and his wife Lucie.

This theory, although later regarded as bizarre and astonishing, seems to have had some effect on the judges.

He swore on oath that the traitor was Dreyfus, pointing to the crucifix hanging on the wall of the court. The incident had an undeniable effect on the court, which was composed of seven officers who were both judges and jury.

However, the outcome of the trial remained uncertain. The conviction of the judges had been shaken by the firm and logical answers of the accused.

Military witnesses at the trial alerted high command about the risk of acquittal. For this eventuality the Statistics Section had prepared a file containing, in principle, four "absolute" proofs of the guilt of Captain Dreyfus accompanied by an explanatory note.

The contents of this secret file remained uncertain until , when they were released by the French Ministry of Defence.

Among these letters were some of an erotic homosexual nature the Davignon letter among others raising the question of the tainted methods of the Statistics Section and the objective of their choice of documents.

The letter was supposed to accuse Dreyfus definitively since, according to his accusers, it was signed with the initial of his name.

He contradicted himself, however, by saying that he read only one document, "which was enough". On 22 December , after several hours of deliberation, the verdict was reached.

Seven judges unanimously convicted Alfred Dreyfus of collusion with a foreign power, to the maximum penalty under section 76 of the Criminal Code: permanent exile in a walled fortification prison , the cancellation of his army rank and military degradation.

Dreyfus was not sentenced to death , as it had been abolished for political crimes since For the authorities, the press and the public, doubts had been dispelled by the trial and his guilt was certain.

Right and left regretted the abolition of the death penalty for such a crime. Antisemitism peaked in the press and occurred in areas so far spared.

So why leave this miserable traitor alive? While the drums rolled, Dreyfus was accompanied by four artillery officers, who brought him before an officer of the state who read the judgment.

A Republican Guard adjutant tore off his badges, thin strips of gold, his stripes, cuffs and sleeves of his jacket. Witnesses report the dignity of Dreyfus, who continued to maintain his innocence while raising his arms: "Innocent, Innocent!

Vive la France! Long live the Army". The Adjutant broke his sword on his knee and then the condemned Dreyfus marched at a slow pace in front of his former companions.

In the van that brought him to the military school, Dreyfus is said to have confided his treachery to Captain Lebrun-Renault. Due to the affair's being related to national security, the prisoner was then held in solitary confinement in a cell awaiting transfer.

He had the right to see his wife twice a week in a long room, each of them at one end, with the director of the prison in the middle.

On 21 February , he embarked on the ship Ville de Saint-Nazaire. The next day the ship sailed for French Guiana. Dreyfus was allowed to write on paper numbered and signed.

He underwent censorship by the commandant even when he received mail from his wife Lucie, whereby they encouraged each other.

On 6 September , the conditions of life for Dreyfus worsened again; he was chained double looped , forcing him to stay in bed motionless with his ankles shackled.

For two long months, Dreyfus was plunged into deep despair, convinced that his life would end on this remote island. Mathieu Dreyfus , the elder brother of Alfred, was convinced of his innocence.

He was the chief architect of the rehabilitation of his brother and spent his time, energy and fortune to gather an increasingly powerful movement for a retrial in December , despite the difficulties of the task: [96].

After the degradation emptiness was around us. It seemed to us that we were no longer human beings like others, we were cut off from the world of the living… [97].

Mathieu tried all paths, even the most fantastic. Thanks to Dr. Gibert in a private conversation. Little by little, despite threats of arrest for complicity, machinations and entrapment by the military, he managed to convince various moderates.

In Lazare published the first Dreyfusard booklet in Brussels. The campaign for the review, relayed little by little into the leftist anti-military press, triggered a return of a violent yet vague antisemitism.

At the request of his superiors, General Boisdeffre , Chief of the General Staff and Major-General Gonse , he was charged with the task of enlarging the file to prevent any attempt at a review.

Unable to find any evidence, he decided to build some after the fact. In March , Picquart, who had followed the Dreyfus Affair from the outset, now required to receive the documents stolen from the German Embassy directly without any intermediary.

On seeing letters from Esterhazy, Picquart realized with amazement that his writing was exactly the same as that on the "bordereau", which had been used to incriminate Dreyfus.

He procured the "secret file" given to the judges in and was astonished by the lack of evidence against Dreyfus, and became convinced of his innocence.

Moved by his discovery, Picquart diligently conducted an enquiry in secret without the consent of his superiors.

Ferdinand Walsin Esterhazy was a former member of French counterespionage where he had served after the war of After this, everything was done to oust him from his position, with the help of his own deputy, Major Henry.

It was primarily the upper echelons of the Army that did not want to admit that Dreyfus's conviction could be a grave miscarriage of justice.

For Mercier, then Zurlinden and the General Staff, what was done was done and should never be returned to. The nationalist press launched a violent campaign against the burgeoning Dreyfusards.

In counter-attack, the General Staff discovered and revealed the information hitherto ignored in the "secret file".

An investigation was started against him, he was monitored when he was in the east, then transferred to Tunisia "in the interest of the service".

At this moment Major Henry chose to take action. On 1 November , he created a false document, subsequently called the "faux Henry" [Henry forgery], [Note 20] keeping the header and signature [Note 21] of an ordinary letter from Panizzardi, and wrote the central text himself:.

I read that a deputy will call on Dreyfus. If you ask further explanations from Rome, I would say that I never had relations with the Jew.

That is understood. If asked, speak like that, because that person should never know what happened with him. This was a rather crude forgery.

Generals Gonse and Boisdeffre, however, without asking questions, brought the letter to their minister, General Billot. The doubts of the General Staff regarding the innocence of Dreyfus flew out the window.

Major Henry accused Picquart of embezzlement and sent him a letter full of innuendo. Picquart confided in his friend, lawyer Louis Leblois, who promised secrecy.

Leblois, however, spoke to the vice president of the Senate, the Alsatian Auguste Scheurer-Kestner born in Mulhouse , like Dreyfus , who was in turn infected by doubts.

Without citing Picquart, the senator revealed the affair to the highest people in the country. The General Staff, however, still suspected Picquart of causing leaks.

This was the beginning of the Picquart affair, a new conspiracy by the General Staff against an officer. Major Henry, although deputy to Picquart, was jealous and fostered his own malicious operation to compromise his superior.

Parallel to the investigations of Picquart, the defenders of Dreyfus were informed in November that the identity of the writer of the "bordereau" was Esterhazy.

Mathieu Dreyfus had a reproduction of the bordereau published by Le Figaro. A banker, Castro, formally identified the writing as that of Esterhazy, who was his debtor, and told Mathieu.

On 11 November , the two paths of investigation met during a meeting between Scheurer-Kestner and Mathieu Dreyfus. The latter finally received confirmation that Esterhazy was the author of the note.

Based on this, on 15 November Mathieu Dreyfus made a complaint to the minister of war against Esterhazy. At the end of , Picquart returned to Paris and made public his doubts about the guilt of Dreyfus because of his discoveries.

Collusion to eliminate Picquart seemed to have failed. To discredit Picquart, Esterhazy sent, without effect, letters of complaint to the president of the republic.

Scheurer-Kestner in Le Figaro , which was the first article in a series of three. The Dreyfus Affair occupied more and more discussions, something the political world did not always recognize.

There is not now and there can be no Dreyfus affair. General Georges-Gabriel de Pellieux was responsible for conducting an investigation.

It was brief, thanks to the General Staff's skillful manipulation of the investigator. The real culprit, they said, was Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart.

The militarist press rushed to the rescue of Esterhazy with an unprecedented antisemitic campaign. The Dreyfusard press replied with strong new evidence in its possession.

The law must stop sucking up to this ineffectual Prussian disguised as a French officer. Who trembles before Esterhazy? What occult power, why shamefully oppose the action of justice?

What stands in the way? Why is Esterhazy, a character of depravity and more than doubtful morals, protected while the accused is not?

Why is an honest soldier such as Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart discredited, overwhelmed, dishonoured? If this is the case we must speak out!

Although protected by the General Staff and therefore by the government, Esterhazy was obliged to admit authorship of the Francophobe letters published by Le Figaro.

This convinced the Office of the General Staff to find a way to stop the questions, doubts, and the beginnings of demands for justice.

The idea was to require Esterhazy to demand a trial and be acquitted, to stop the noise and allow a return to order.

Thus, to finally exonerate him, according to the old rule Res judicata pro veritate habetur , [Note 25] Esterhazy was set to appear before a military court on 10 January A "delayed" closed court [Note 26] trial was pronounced.

Esterhazy was notified of the matter on the following day, along with guidance on the defensive line to take.

The trial was not normal: the civil trial Mathieu and Lucy Dreyfus [Note 27] requested was denied, and the three handwriting experts decided the writing in the bordereau was not Esterhazy's.

Pellieux intervened to defend the General Staff without legal substance. By error an innocent person was convicted, but on order the guilty party was acquitted.

For many moderate Republicans it was an intolerable infringement of the fundamental values they defended. The acquittal of Esterhazy therefore brought about a change of strategy for the Dreyfusards.

Liberalism-friendly Scheurer-Kestner and Reinach , took more combative and rebellious action. Flush with victory, the General Staff arrested Picquart on charges of violation of professional secrecy following the disclosure of his investigation through his lawyer, who revealed it to Senator Scheurer-Kestner.

When Mathieu thanked him, he replied curtly that he was "doing his duty". To avoid personal risk he went into exile in England, where he lived comfortably and ended his days in the s.

The first great Dreyfusard intellectual , Zola was at the height of his glory: the twenty volumes of the Rougon-Macquart epic were being distributed in dozens of countries.

He was a leader in the literary world and was fully conscious of it. It can be served by the sword or by the pen. General Pellieux has probably won great victories!

I have won mine, too. By my work the French language has been brought into the world. I have my victories! Outraged by the acquittal of Esterhazy, Zola decided to strike a blow.

With a typical circulation of 30,, the newspaper distributed nearly , copies that day. This article had the effect of an explosion. The article was a direct attack, explicit and clear, and named names.

It denounced all those who had conspired against Dreyfus, including the minister of war and the General Staff. The article contained numerous errors, exaggerating or minimizing the roles of one or another of the figures involved the role of General Mercier was greatly underestimated, for instance.

His trial forced a new public review of both the Dreyfus and Esterhazy affairs. Here he went against the strategy of Scheurer-Kestner and Lazare, who advocated patience and reflection.

From that critical moment the case followed two parallel paths. On one hand, the state used its apparatus to impose a limitation on the trial, restricting it to one of simple libel so as to separate the Dreyfus and Esterhazy cases, which had already been adjudicated.

On the other hand, conflicting camps of opinion tried to influence judges and the government—one side pushed to obtain a review and the other to convict Zola.

But Zola achieved his aim: the opening of a public debate at the Assize Court. On 15 January Le Temps published a petition calling for a retrial.

On 20 January , after an anti-Zola speech by rightist politician Albert de Mun at the Chamber of Deputies , the chamber voted —22 to prosecute Zola.

On 1 February Barres lambasted the intellectuals in Le Journal. Anti-intellectualism became a major theme of right-wing intellectuals, who accused the Dreyfusards of failing to put the nation's interests first, an argument that continued throughout the years that followed and which became the basis of the public debate: a choice between justice and truth on the one hand, and the defense of the nation, preservation of society, and superiority of the state on the other.

Defamation of a public authority was liable to trial in the Cour d'Assises , while insults to private figures—such as journalists and intellectuals—uttered by the nationalist and antisemitic press were limited to the civil adversarial system.

The taxpayer is at risk in the first case, while only the plaintiff is at risk in the second. The minister referred to only three passages of Zola's article, [] eighteen lines out of hundreds.

He accused Zola of having written that the court martial had committed "unlawful acts [ Fernand Labori , Zola's lawyer, intended to call about witnesses.

The details of the Dreyfus Affair, unknown to most of the public, were published in the press. Several papers [Note 30] published shorthand notes verbatim of the debates every day to build support in the population.

These notes were, for the Dreyfusards, an essential tool for later debates. The nationalists, behind Henri Rochefort , however, were more visible and organized riots, which forced the prefect of police to intervene to protect Zola whenever he left the facility [] after every hearing.

This trial was also the scene of a real legal battle in which the rights of the defence were constantly violated.

Evidently the court received instructions not to raise the subject of former judicial errors. President Delegorgue, on the pretext of the long duration of the hearings, juggled the law incessantly to ensure that the trial dealt only with the alleged defamation by Zola.

Delegorgue's phrase "the question will not be put" was repeated dozens of times. Zola was sentenced to one year in prison and a fine of 3, francs, [Note 31] which was the maximum penalty.

This harshness was due to the atmosphere of violence surrounding the trial. In addition, the violent attacks against Zola and the injustice of the conviction of Dreyfus reinforced the commitment of the Dreyfusards.

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He procured the "secret file" given to the judges in and was astonished by the lack of evidence against Dreyfus, and became convinced of his innocence.

Moved by his discovery, Picquart diligently conducted an enquiry in secret without the consent of his superiors. Ferdinand Walsin Esterhazy was a former member of French counterespionage where he had served after the war of After this, everything was done to oust him from his position, with the help of his own deputy, Major Henry.

It was primarily the upper echelons of the Army that did not want to admit that Dreyfus's conviction could be a grave miscarriage of justice.

For Mercier, then Zurlinden and the General Staff, what was done was done and should never be returned to. The nationalist press launched a violent campaign against the burgeoning Dreyfusards.

In counter-attack, the General Staff discovered and revealed the information hitherto ignored in the "secret file". An investigation was started against him, he was monitored when he was in the east, then transferred to Tunisia "in the interest of the service".

At this moment Major Henry chose to take action. On 1 November , he created a false document, subsequently called the "faux Henry" [Henry forgery], [Note 20] keeping the header and signature [Note 21] of an ordinary letter from Panizzardi, and wrote the central text himself:.

I read that a deputy will call on Dreyfus. If you ask further explanations from Rome, I would say that I never had relations with the Jew.

That is understood. If asked, speak like that, because that person should never know what happened with him.

This was a rather crude forgery. Generals Gonse and Boisdeffre, however, without asking questions, brought the letter to their minister, General Billot.

The doubts of the General Staff regarding the innocence of Dreyfus flew out the window. Major Henry accused Picquart of embezzlement and sent him a letter full of innuendo.

Picquart confided in his friend, lawyer Louis Leblois, who promised secrecy. Leblois, however, spoke to the vice president of the Senate, the Alsatian Auguste Scheurer-Kestner born in Mulhouse , like Dreyfus , who was in turn infected by doubts.

Without citing Picquart, the senator revealed the affair to the highest people in the country. The General Staff, however, still suspected Picquart of causing leaks.

This was the beginning of the Picquart affair, a new conspiracy by the General Staff against an officer.

Major Henry, although deputy to Picquart, was jealous and fostered his own malicious operation to compromise his superior.

Parallel to the investigations of Picquart, the defenders of Dreyfus were informed in November that the identity of the writer of the "bordereau" was Esterhazy.

Mathieu Dreyfus had a reproduction of the bordereau published by Le Figaro. A banker, Castro, formally identified the writing as that of Esterhazy, who was his debtor, and told Mathieu.

On 11 November , the two paths of investigation met during a meeting between Scheurer-Kestner and Mathieu Dreyfus. The latter finally received confirmation that Esterhazy was the author of the note.

Based on this, on 15 November Mathieu Dreyfus made a complaint to the minister of war against Esterhazy.

At the end of , Picquart returned to Paris and made public his doubts about the guilt of Dreyfus because of his discoveries. Collusion to eliminate Picquart seemed to have failed.

To discredit Picquart, Esterhazy sent, without effect, letters of complaint to the president of the republic. Scheurer-Kestner in Le Figaro , which was the first article in a series of three.

The Dreyfus Affair occupied more and more discussions, something the political world did not always recognize.

There is not now and there can be no Dreyfus affair. General Georges-Gabriel de Pellieux was responsible for conducting an investigation.

It was brief, thanks to the General Staff's skillful manipulation of the investigator. The real culprit, they said, was Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart.

The militarist press rushed to the rescue of Esterhazy with an unprecedented antisemitic campaign. The Dreyfusard press replied with strong new evidence in its possession.

The law must stop sucking up to this ineffectual Prussian disguised as a French officer. Who trembles before Esterhazy? What occult power, why shamefully oppose the action of justice?

What stands in the way? Why is Esterhazy, a character of depravity and more than doubtful morals, protected while the accused is not?

Why is an honest soldier such as Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart discredited, overwhelmed, dishonoured? If this is the case we must speak out!

Although protected by the General Staff and therefore by the government, Esterhazy was obliged to admit authorship of the Francophobe letters published by Le Figaro.

This convinced the Office of the General Staff to find a way to stop the questions, doubts, and the beginnings of demands for justice.

The idea was to require Esterhazy to demand a trial and be acquitted, to stop the noise and allow a return to order.

Thus, to finally exonerate him, according to the old rule Res judicata pro veritate habetur , [Note 25] Esterhazy was set to appear before a military court on 10 January A "delayed" closed court [Note 26] trial was pronounced.

Esterhazy was notified of the matter on the following day, along with guidance on the defensive line to take. The trial was not normal: the civil trial Mathieu and Lucy Dreyfus [Note 27] requested was denied, and the three handwriting experts decided the writing in the bordereau was not Esterhazy's.

Pellieux intervened to defend the General Staff without legal substance. By error an innocent person was convicted, but on order the guilty party was acquitted.

For many moderate Republicans it was an intolerable infringement of the fundamental values they defended. The acquittal of Esterhazy therefore brought about a change of strategy for the Dreyfusards.

Liberalism-friendly Scheurer-Kestner and Reinach , took more combative and rebellious action. Flush with victory, the General Staff arrested Picquart on charges of violation of professional secrecy following the disclosure of his investigation through his lawyer, who revealed it to Senator Scheurer-Kestner.

When Mathieu thanked him, he replied curtly that he was "doing his duty". To avoid personal risk he went into exile in England, where he lived comfortably and ended his days in the s.

The first great Dreyfusard intellectual , Zola was at the height of his glory: the twenty volumes of the Rougon-Macquart epic were being distributed in dozens of countries.

He was a leader in the literary world and was fully conscious of it. It can be served by the sword or by the pen. General Pellieux has probably won great victories!

I have won mine, too. By my work the French language has been brought into the world. I have my victories! Outraged by the acquittal of Esterhazy, Zola decided to strike a blow.

With a typical circulation of 30,, the newspaper distributed nearly , copies that day. This article had the effect of an explosion. The article was a direct attack, explicit and clear, and named names.

It denounced all those who had conspired against Dreyfus, including the minister of war and the General Staff.

The article contained numerous errors, exaggerating or minimizing the roles of one or another of the figures involved the role of General Mercier was greatly underestimated, for instance.

His trial forced a new public review of both the Dreyfus and Esterhazy affairs. Here he went against the strategy of Scheurer-Kestner and Lazare, who advocated patience and reflection.

From that critical moment the case followed two parallel paths. On one hand, the state used its apparatus to impose a limitation on the trial, restricting it to one of simple libel so as to separate the Dreyfus and Esterhazy cases, which had already been adjudicated.

On the other hand, conflicting camps of opinion tried to influence judges and the government—one side pushed to obtain a review and the other to convict Zola.

But Zola achieved his aim: the opening of a public debate at the Assize Court. On 15 January Le Temps published a petition calling for a retrial.

On 20 January , after an anti-Zola speech by rightist politician Albert de Mun at the Chamber of Deputies , the chamber voted —22 to prosecute Zola.

On 1 February Barres lambasted the intellectuals in Le Journal. Anti-intellectualism became a major theme of right-wing intellectuals, who accused the Dreyfusards of failing to put the nation's interests first, an argument that continued throughout the years that followed and which became the basis of the public debate: a choice between justice and truth on the one hand, and the defense of the nation, preservation of society, and superiority of the state on the other.

Defamation of a public authority was liable to trial in the Cour d'Assises , while insults to private figures—such as journalists and intellectuals—uttered by the nationalist and antisemitic press were limited to the civil adversarial system.

The taxpayer is at risk in the first case, while only the plaintiff is at risk in the second. The minister referred to only three passages of Zola's article, [] eighteen lines out of hundreds.

He accused Zola of having written that the court martial had committed "unlawful acts [ Fernand Labori , Zola's lawyer, intended to call about witnesses.

The details of the Dreyfus Affair, unknown to most of the public, were published in the press. Several papers [Note 30] published shorthand notes verbatim of the debates every day to build support in the population.

These notes were, for the Dreyfusards, an essential tool for later debates. The nationalists, behind Henri Rochefort , however, were more visible and organized riots, which forced the prefect of police to intervene to protect Zola whenever he left the facility [] after every hearing.

This trial was also the scene of a real legal battle in which the rights of the defence were constantly violated.

Evidently the court received instructions not to raise the subject of former judicial errors. President Delegorgue, on the pretext of the long duration of the hearings, juggled the law incessantly to ensure that the trial dealt only with the alleged defamation by Zola.

Delegorgue's phrase "the question will not be put" was repeated dozens of times. Zola was sentenced to one year in prison and a fine of 3, francs, [Note 31] which was the maximum penalty.

This harshness was due to the atmosphere of violence surrounding the trial. In addition, the violent attacks against Zola and the injustice of the conviction of Dreyfus reinforced the commitment of the Dreyfusards.

I declare that Justice is the most beautiful word in the language of men and I must cry if men no longer understand it".

Even more than the Dreyfus Affair the Zola affair resulted in a regrouping of intellectual forces into two opposing camps.

On 2 April an application to the Supreme Court received a favourable response. This was the court's first intervention in the affair.

The court upheld the appeal, on the formal grounds that as the alleged libel was against the military court, rather than the minister, it was the military court that should have made the complaint.

Prosecutor-General Manau supported a review of the Dreyfus trial and strongly opposed the anti-Semites.

The judges of the military court, whom Zola had challenged, therefore opened a new suit against him for libel. The case was brought before the Assizes of Seine-et-Oise in Versailles where the public was considered more favourable to the army and more nationalistic.

On 23 May , at the first hearing, Mr. Labori appealed to the Supreme Court regarding the change of jurisdiction, which adjourned the trial and postponed the hearing to 18 July Labori advised Zola to leave France for England before the end of the trial, which the writer did, departing for a one-year exile in England.

The defendants were convicted again. As for Colonel Picquart, he found himself again in prison. Antisemitism made considerable progress and riots were common throughout the year However politicians were still in denial about the affair.

Nevertheless the cause of the Dreyfusards was restarted. Godefroy Cavaignac , the new minister of war and a fierce supporter of anti-revisionism, definitely wanted to prove the guilt of Dreyfus and from there "wring the neck" of Esterhazy, whom he considered "a pathological liar and blackmailer".

He was surprised to learn that all the documents on which the prosecution was based had not been expertly appraised and that Boisdeffre had "absolute confidence" in Henry.

Cavaignac decided to investigate—in his office, with his assistants—and retrieved the secret file, which now contained items.

The secret information had been provided by Zola, who had received it from Oscar Wilde ; Wilde had gained it from best friend Carlos Blacker, who was an intimate friend of Alexandro Panizzardi.

On 7 July during a questioning in the House, Cavaignac reported three items "overwhelming among a thousand", two of which had no connection with the case.

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Noah, a happily married New York City schoolteacher and novelist, and Alison a young waitress recovering from personal tragedy, begin an affair in Montauk, Long Island that has far reaching consequences for both of them.

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